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Norwegian aid 2025 - what do the different parties think?

Jon Lomøy
Eirik Mofoss
First published in:

We have looked at the parties' alternative aid budget. Here's what we found.

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Content

The government has presented its budget proposal for 2025, with an aid budget of NOK 52.9 billion, just under 1% of GNI (0.92%). This is the third time they put forward a budget proposal that does not reach 1%. Following the budget agreement with SV, the amount increases by NOK 135 million. With the agreement in Parliament to increase aid to Ukraine, the aid percentage will nevertheless increase to over 1% in 2025.

Less discussed is that all the political parties have now also presented their alternative budgets. Through these, one gets a picture of what the political parties in Norway think about aid.

One main picture is that there is still great support for a high level of aid in Norway, and that there is great agreement on many parts of the arrangement of the aid. Nevertheless, there are some differences in thematic and geographical priorities, and in partner selection. The priorities of the various parties are expressed primarily through proposals for increases, but the FrP in particular also shows its policies through proposals for reductions.

Let's go into a little more detail:

Level:

  • SV, Venstre, KrF, Rødt and MDG all propose an escalation of between NOK 4 and 5 billion so that they reach 1% of GNI.
  • Høyre is proposing a cut of 1.6 billion overall.
  • The FrP is the only party to propose a marked reduction in aid, with a reduction to 0.7% of GNP. It is worth noting that even with the policies of the party that goes the furthest in wanting cuts, Norway would be among the most generous donor countries in the world.
  • Only MDG has taken refugee spending in Norway out of aid in its alternative budget, thus following up on one of the recommendations of the Sending Committee and criticism from civil society about increased use of aid funds in Norway.

Themes:

  • Not unexpectedly, MDG, SV and Venstre have greatly increased their commitment to climate and the environment.
  • The bourgeois parties are gearing up to reverse the government's reduction in support for education, and in part also its escalation to agriculture and food production.
  • KrF proposes an increase of NOK 300 million for non-communicable diseases and the integration of mental health into primary care in developing countries. In addition, support to WHO will be strengthened by NOK 300 million for core support, non-communicable diseases and pandemic preparedness. KrF generally has a high level of detail in its proposals.

Geography:

  • A large part of Høyre's cuts is a reduction in aid to Africa, while SV, Venstre, KrF and Rødt will significantly increase aid to Africa.
  • The MDG is the only party planning for a major effort for reconstruction in Palestine.
  • The MDG also proposes a significant increase of the civilian component of assistance to Ukraine.

Partners and channel selection:

  • Norwegian parties are generally FN-friendly, especially parties on the left.
  • The exception is the FrP which proposes bigger cuts at the UN than otherwise.
  • A curiosity: even with a reduced budget framework, Høyre is proposing an increase of 20 million to the funding of UN regional coordinators, in line with the recommendations of the UN Secretary-General's reform work and a joint Foreign and Defence Committee.
  • Only the Left profiles a marked plus to IDA, the World Bank's fund for the poorest countries, justified by efficiency.
  • SV and Rødt propose cuts to the World Bank even with an increased budget, but propose significant increases to the UN.
  • Support for civil society is also broadly politically rooted, except at the FrP which proposes higher cuts here than otherwise.

Management:

  • The FrP is the only party to propose a marked reduction in spending on the management of Norwegian aid, at the same level as the average cut (30%).

Scope of the proposed amendments:

  • With the exception of FrP, the scale of cuts and increases is less than 10% of the total budget.
  • Høyre proposes a total of 13 amendments, SV 12, Venstre 17, KrF 20, MDG 27, Rødt and FrP a total of 36 amendments. MDG and Rødt are the “aid-friendly” parties that want the biggest changes in the current aid profile.

Special profiling:

  • What is increased despite cuts, or cuts despite increases, must be assumed to be particularly important political markings from a party.
  • KrF proposes to cut a number of items related to business development and energy, despite a general increase in the budget.
  • The MDGs strongest markup is to take refugee spending in Norway out of the budget - it also creates room for other increases and gives a real set bigger aid budget.
  • Høyre will increase to education, climate and human rights, despite an across-the-board cut.
  • Rød proposes significant cuts to development banks, and some to business development, despite an increased budget.

The budget agreement:

  • The agreement between the ruling parties and SV on the state budget for 2025 implies only minimal changes to the aid budget. An increase of 135 million, out of a total increase in public spending of 7,020 million, well shows that SV has not given special priority to aid. A NOK 100 million boost to civil society is the only substantive change.

Summary:

  • Overall, the alternative budgets give a picture of continued strong support for a high level of aid in Norway. With the exception of the FrP, no parties are proposing big cuts. For most parties, 1% of GNP is an important reference point, but the largest parties create uncertainty about its robustness; Labour and Sp again put forward a proposal of less than 1% — although several cabinet ministers assured that the percentage would eventually be reached, while Høyre and the FrP — who also did not vote for the 1% in 2016 — make no attempt to reach it. Uncertainty about increases in Ukraine support, however, may have affected both Ap, Sp and Høyre here.
  • There is also broad agreement on the main alignment, although the different main profiles of the parties are reflected in some minor up and down adjustments.
  • There is very broad support for Norwegian support for the UN (only the FrP is making significant cuts), while attitudes towards the World Bank are more marked by the historical scepticism of the left.
  • The support for civil society is broadly rooted.

Sources:

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